Network corruption and social trust in the Altai Region (results of a sociological study)

Spirina Anastasiya Sergeevna ORCID: 0000-0001-6003-1691 Junior Researcher, Altai State University 656049, Russia, Altaiskii krai, g. Barnaul, ul. Dimitrova, 66 natali93_08@mail.ru Other publications by this author

Introduction.

The problem of corruption is extremely relevant and is recognized as one of the serious threats to the development of the state ^[4], which is attributed to a negative impact on the economic activity of the population, political stability, negative impact on democratic institutions, moral and ethical values of the population, sustainable development of civil society, law and order, etc. ^{[15, 19]}. The analysis of this category is carried out by scientists of various disciplines, and so far no consensus has been formed. The ambiguous and multifaceted nature of corruption largely mediates the complexity of its perception in a single context. As a rule, this phenomenon is analyzed in the aspect of legal, socio-economic, socio-cultural characteristics, as well as taking into account the socio-psychological aspect ^[5]. According to the criminological approach, the process of determining corruption focuses on criminal actions, focuses on the illegality and public danger of the acts being carried out, the definition of the main mechanisms and types of corruption occurs from the point of view of the legal system. From the standpoint of the socio-economic approach, corruption is closely related to the concept of the shadow economy and acts as a special case of economic behavior, the main purpose of which is to obtain maximum benefits. The sociological approach considers corruption as a large-scale socially dangerous phenomenon characterized by a set of ethical and legal violations, which are expressed in the abuse of a working position (status) for personal gain (direct or indirect) and to the detriment of the public good, the interests of the state ^[7]. In this article, corruption will be considered within the framework of an integrated approach as a form of antisocial practices mediated by various factors that have a negative impact on the social structure.

To assess the public danger of corruption, it is important to distinguish its types, which are classified on different grounds: the composition of subjects of corruption actions, objects of influence, on the impact on regulated relations, based on the scope of application ^[11]. In this paper, the focus will be on one of the types – network corruption. Network corruption includes long-term trust relationships in which representatives of government, business, as well as law enforcement agencies can be involved. Network corruption is rooted in social interactions and necessarily presupposes the existence of personal relationships between participants in corrupt actions, which become the basis for the formation of corrupt networks. This type of relationship means a systematic, not always equivalent exchange of gifts and/or services. In this paper, network corruption is understood as the use of personal connections by the population to solve their problems or the problems of their relatives when contacting various public organizations.

There are various forms of manifestation of network corruption: vertical, horizontal, temporary, which are based on the type of communication (formal / kindred / friendly), social status, the presence of common interests, etc. One of the types of network corruption is nepotism or clan corruption, which is based on family relations. E.Y. Ivanova considers nepotism or nepotism as official patronage, the replacement of positions preferably by relatives in violation of the general and fair order without taking into account the knowledge and abilities of the applicant ^[3]. Another type of network corruption is group corruption, which is formed on the basis of the interests of the implementation of certain projects involving the joint participation of various participants in corrupt actions ^[12]. K.N. Kalashnikov notes that the likelihood of corruption increases in societies where reliance on family ties becomes common even within the framework of economic activity, obtaining services and buying goods ^[4]. The types of network corruption also include patronage and favoritism, in which there is no importance of the existence of family ties. Patronage is a dyadic relationship between individuals with unequal social status, one of whom takes the second under patronage, giving him access to resources and protection, in return receiving loyalty and services ^[8]. Favoritism is similar to patronage and means unfair, biased patronage of favorites in the service to the detriment of the cause, where the criteria for choosing favorites are the degree of personal trust and personal sympathy ^[14].

The peculiarity of the manifestation of network corruption is that when there is a conflict between the interests of the inner circle and the state /society, priority is given to the interests of the inner circle. Comparing network corruption with other types of corruption, M.V. Kravtsova notes that the spread of network corruption looks less destructive, since the authorities and business form an informal coalition based on long-standing partnership, friendship or kinship relations ^[6]. Such a corruption mechanism, according to S.N. Chirun, turns out to be more preferable, since it is much more difficult to identify and it is virtually impossible to hold accountable for its implementation ^[17], which, in turn, is confirmed by N.A. Bobrova, noting that there are no measures in the current legislation to combat nepotism, which is being considered as one of the types of manifestation of network corruption ^[1].

The question of the interpretation of social trust, as in the case of the category of corruption, is debatable in the scientific community. There are two major approaches: rational and irrational. Within the framework of the first, the emphasis is on expectation in relation to various objects, their response, which will be beneficial in relation to the trusting. The formation of such an approach takes place in conditions of risk and uncertainty, in which the need for trust is formed as an integrating mechanism with the potential for social cooperation and consolidation. The irrational approach is based on the feelings that the object of interaction causes, the formation of trust is carried out by separating individuals from a similar set of moral values, guidelines, ethics and morality. Within the framework of this work, social trust will be considered as a mechanism for the functioning and regulation of social interactions, implying the expectation that the other will behave (or not behave) in a certain situation in one way or another.

The study of the relationship between network corruption and social trust is based on theoretical ideas that in any corrupt or clientelist society, ordinary citizens are forced to develop networks of informal social ties that they could trust ^[13]. Based on this approach, at first glance, it can be concluded that trust is the source of the formation of corruption ties. In this case, we are talking more about particular trust, which is characterized by the fact that an individual is able to trust only the closest friends and relatives and treat people outside his close circle with distrust ^[13]. However, another type of trust stands out – generalized trust, which implies a willingness to trust those who are outside the immediate group of the individual. Most often, analyzing generalized trust, it is attributed such characteristics as: a positive factor for the development of society, the ability to increase the activity of the population, stimulate the intensity of social interactions, increase the responsibility of the authorities, transparency of social organizations, stability of public order, respect for the rights and duties of citizens ^{[18, 22, 23, 24, 25]}. Thus, L.N. Fedotov notes that a society cemented by generalized trust will perceive corruption as a pernicious phenomenon that negatively affects its security, and in every way prevent its spread ^[16]. Corruption, in turn, is also able to influence social trust in society ^[21] Thus, it can be noted that the relationship between network corruption and social trust is of a dual nature ^[20], the analysis of which must be built taking into account the diversity of forms and types of corruption and social trust.

The regional aspect of the study of social trust and corruption in the Altai Territory has a basis in the form of previously conducted research of various directions. In particular, the significance of the problem of corruption in the region is mentioned according to the results of S.G. Maksimova's research, according to which, according to the residents of the region, corruption is among the five most acute problems of the Altai Territory, ranking second ^[9]. Analyzing the level of generalized trust in society as an indicator of its security and openness, D.A. Omelchenko notes the regional specificity of social trust, which consists in the fact that in each region there are both regionally specific factors and factors common to all regions ^[10]. A.A. Gorbunova mentions the interdependence of social trust and social security ^[2].  Within the framework of this work, the object of research is social trust and network corruption. The subject of the study is indicators of network corruption and social trust in the Altai Territory. The main purpose of the work is to characterize social trust and network corruption in the Altai Territory and to determine the presence/absence of differences in indicators of network corruption depending on the level of social trust. The main hypothesis is that the indicators of network corruption of the population of the Altai Territory differ depending on the level of social trust, as well as socio–demographic characteristics of the population.

Research methods

The empirical basis of the study was the results of a sociological survey of the urban and rural population of the Altai Territory aged 18-70 years (n = 1200), conducted in 2020-2021. A stratified proportional sample was used, the quotas of which were carried out in two stages. At the first stage, the selection took place according to the territorial division (city/village). At the second stage, quotas were carried out by gender and age (from 18 years and older) in accordance with the structure of the population of the Altai Territory according to the latest population census. The method of collecting information was a questionnaire survey, the implementation of which was carried out with the direct participation of the author of the article.

The analysis of social trust included the characteristics of generalized, institutional and particular trust. The assessment of generalized trust was carried out using a 10-point scale. During the analysis, the scores were combined and three groups were formed: low (from 1 to 3 points), medium (4-7 points) and high (8-10 points) level of generalized trust. The study of institutional trust included an assessment of trust in 21 public institutions and organizations. Particular trust was represented by trust in relatives, friends, work colleagues and neighbors, which was analyzed on a 5-point scale. In the future, integral indices of institutional and particular trust were constructed, which represented three levels: low, medium and high levels of trust.

The analysis of network corruption included an assessment of the use of personal connections by the population to solve their problems in seven areas: education, medicine, housing maintenance/repair services, social protection, police, work and obtaining registrations/various licenses. Residents of the Altai Territory were asked to answer the question of how often they use personal connections to solve some of their problems or problems of family members, friends in these areas. During the analysis, the data obtained were recoded into a dichotomous scale, the first pole of which represented a positive experience of using personal connections, the second pole – a negative experience.

 Quantitative data were processed using the statistical program SPSS Statistics 23.0. To confirm the logic of statistical conclusions, comparative analysis, frequency analysis of data and analysis of conjugacy tables were carried out. The classification analysis method "classification trees" was also used.

Research results

Characteristics of the level of social trust in the Altai Territory

More than half of the residents report an average level of generalized trust (63.2%). Almost every fourth inhabitant of the Altai Territory (24.7%) does not trust the generalized other. A high level of generalized trust was noted among 12.1%. It was found that generalized trust differs depending on the age of the population (?2 p<0.01): the average level is more typical for young people (65.6%) and the older population (64.4%) than for the average age (62.1%). The share of the population with a high level of generalized trust is higher among middle-aged (14.1%) and older (13%) than among young people (5.3%).

With regard to trust in social institutions, an average level of institutional trust was revealed among the population (72.1%). 8.5% of residents do not trust them, a high level of trust among 18.8%. Differences in the level of trust in social institutions are manifested depending on age (?2 p<0.01): the average level of trust is typical for young people (76%) than for the average population (71.9%) and older (71.5%). The high level of trust in social institutions, in turn, prevails among the older population (24.6%) than among the youth (14.2%) and the middle-aged population (18.8%).

The integral indicator of particular trust among residents of the Altai Territory is at an average level (74%), which allows us to note the average level of manifestation of particular trust in the studied region. A high level of particular trust is noted in less than 10% of residents, distrust is noted in 16.4% of the population. Trust in social groups varies depending on the age of the population (?2 p<0.01) and gender (?2 p<0.05). The average level of trust in social groups was mainly found among the middle-aged (74.8%) and older population (73.4%), as well as among men (77.2%), than among young people (72%) and women (71.2%).

Characteristics of network corruption

As a result of the analysis of network corruption, it was revealed that in most of the proposed situations, the population of the Altai Territory refuses to use personal connections to solve their problems: in education (54.8%), social protection (68%), police (62.8%), labor issues (55.5%) and obtaining registrations/licenses (75.5%). In relation to appeals to the police (?2 p<0.01) and in solving labor issues (?2 p<0.01), differences were revealed among the urban and rural population: rural population (68.5%; 61.7%) goes the official way more often than urban (60.3%; 52.7%).

They use personal connections most often in medicine (67.3%) and housing repair/maintenance services (53%). The experience of using personal connections in these areas varies depending on the territorial place of residence (?2 p<0.05; p<0.001). The urban population (69.6%; 57.7%) uses medicine and housing services more often than the rural population (62.3%; 42.6%).

As a result of the classification carried out using the decision tree method, conclusions were obtained about the differences in indicators of network corruption. The independent variables were the level of generalized, particular, institutional trust, as well as socio-demographic characteristics of the population (gender, territorial residence and age). The dependent variables were indicators of network corruption: experience in using personal connections in situations of applying to the field of education, medicine, housing services, social protection, police, work and obtaining registrations/licenses. Among the seven areas presented, three were identified: education, social protection and obtaining registrations/licenses, when applying to which the use of personal connections differs depending on the territorial attribute and the level of social trust.

Thus, the use of personal connections in the field of education differs depending on the territorial place of residence of the population and generalized, institutional trust (Figure 1). Among the rural population, the population who does not trust the generalized other (75.6%) most often refuses to use personal connections than residents with an average and high level of generalized trust (60.4%) (node 6.5). Institutional trust is a significant factor for the urban population. Urban populations with a high level of institutional trust (60.5%) tend to resort to the use of personal connections in education (node 4). Urban residents with an average level of institutional trust and those who do not trust social institutions (53.5%) refuse to use personal connections (node 3).

Figure 1 – Decision tree for predicting the use of personal connections in education

The willingness to use personal connections when contacting the social protection system is influenced by the level of generalized and institutional trust, as well as the age of the population (Figure 2). The population with a high level of generalized trust and the population that does not trust the generalized other (74.6%) refuse to use personal connections when contacting the social protection system (node 2). For residents of the Altai Territory with an average level of generalized trust, the level of institutional trust and age are significant. The majority of the population with an average level of generalized trust and an average level of institutional trust or who do not trust social institutions refuses to use informal ways of solving issues when applying to social protection (67%) (node 3). The use of personal connections by the population with an average level of generalized trust and a high level of institutional trust differs depending on age: the youth and the older population (58.5%) (node 5) refuse the official way of solving the issue, the middle-aged population (61.9%) (node 6) goes the official way.

Figure 2 – Decision tree for predicting the use of personal connections in contacts with the social protection system

The positive attitude towards the use of personal connections to resolve issues of obtaining registrations/licenses varies depending on the place of residence of the population and the level of individual trust (Figure 3). The rural population mostly refuses to use personal connections than the urban population (80.9%) (node 2). For the urban population, the level of particular trust is significant: to a greater extent, the population with an average level of particular trust and the population that does not trust social groups (75%) (node 3) go the official way when solving issues of obtaining registrations / licenses than the population with a high level of particular trust (59%) (node 4).

Figure 3 – Decision tree for predicting the use of personal connections when obtaining registrations/licenses

Conclusion.

Thus, the analysis of the level of social trust in the Altai Territory allowed us to draw several conclusions. Firstly, the majority of the population is characterized by an average level of generalized, institutional and particular trust, which allows us to speak about the average level of social trust in the region. Secondly, it was revealed that the level of social trust varies depending on the socio-demographic characteristics of the population: the average level of generalized and institutional trust is characteristic of young people. A high level of trust in the generalized other is higher among the middle-aged and older population, and a high level of trust in social institutions is higher only among the older population. Particular trust is significantly exposed to socio-demographic differences, the average level of which is more typical for the middle-aged and older population, as well as for men.

Regarding the differences in the indicators of network corruption depending on the level of social trust and socio-demographic characteristics, it was revealed that in the situation of using personal connections in the field of education, the territorial place of residence of the population, as well as generalized and institutional trust are significant. Refuses to use personal connections of the rural population, which revealed generalized distrust. Among the urban population, the population with a high level of institutional trust tends to resort to the use of personal connections, the population with an average level of institutional trust and not trusting social institutions refuses an informal way to solve the problem.

In the sphere of the social protection system, the experience of using personal connections varies depending on the level of generalized and institutional trust, as well as the age of the population. The most significant is generalized trust, distrust and a high level of which among the population allows you to refuse to use personal connections when contacting the social protection system. In a situation of an average level of trust in a generalized other, the level of institutional trust and age become important: the population with low indicators of institutional trust and distrust refuses to use personal connections. With an average level of generalized trust and a high level of institutional trust, young people and the older population refuse the official way of solving the issue.

The role of particular trust is revealed in relation to the positive use of personal connections to resolve issues of obtaining registrations/licenses, taking into account the place of residence of the population: the urban population with an average level of particular trust and the population that does not trust social groups refuses informal ways of solving issues.