Abstract: The object of the study is Ankara's foreign policy strategy. The subject of the study is the positions of Turkey and Egypt in the Eastern Mediterranean region. The aim is to identify the possibility of a Turkish–Egyptian alliance in the region after the extremely tense relations recorded since 2013, the establishment in Egypt of a new president A.F. Al-Sisi, the ideological antipode of R.T. Erdogan. The relevance of the study is evidenced by changes in the rhetoric of Turkey's top officials and the demonstration of readiness to build a dialogue with Cairo. Particular attention is paid to Ankara's position on the establishment of maritime borders in the Aegean and Mediterranean Seas on the basis of bilateral agreements. Research methods: analysis of strategies, official documents, logical-heuristic and system methods, as well as analysis of political events in the region.       Based on the analysis of primary sources (foreign policy strategies 2020-2023), it was revealed: since 2020, the Eastern Mediterranean region has been the main vector of Ankara's foreign policy. As noted in the reports of the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources, the country is 70% dependent on foreign energy supplies, which explains Ankara's uncompromising position on securing its right to extract gas from the depths of the Eastern Mediterranean. Attempts to restore relations with Egypt are a geopolitical necessity. However, Cairo found itself in the position of Turkey's competitor in an effort to turn into an energy hub when exporting gas from Israel to Europe. Egypt attaches paramount importance to the issue of energy security, which is confirmed by the Egypt Vision 2030 strategy. The most advantageous for Egypt is the preservation of the Egypt-Israel-Greece-Cyprus block. Based on the conducted research, it can be concluded that there is an extremely low probability of a Turkish-Egyptian rapprochement. The findings of the study can be taken into account when studying and forecasting Turkey's foreign policy.

Keywords: continental shelf, Aegean Sea, Gas Forum, Blue Homeland, Energy Sources, Egypt, Turkey, Eastern Mediterranean, Maritime Law, energy security

Abstract: Authors examine the formation and development of Albanian separatism in the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. The article deals with the main aspects of the history of creation and functioning of the first armed extremist groups of Kosovo Albanians, in particular the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during the hottest phases of the Kosovo crisis in the 1990s, including the role of international actors in the development of Albanian terrorism in the Serbian province. In the article, the authors conclude that Albanian separatism is not a spontaneously organized ethnic group with the aim of fighting against "terror" perpetrated by state power, but is instead the embodiment of the idea of a "Greater Albania", projected in the First and Second Prizer Leagues. Western countries also actively supported the formation, training, logistical support and funding of the KLA. The leader among Western states supporting Albanian separatism in Serbia was the United States, which provided Kosovo separatists with comprehensive support. With the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the arrival of the UN Military and Civil Mission in Kosovo and Metohija (KFOR and UMNIK), Albanian extremists and terrorists used all-out violence to expel the non-Albanian population from Kosovo and Metohija. The separation of Kosovo from Serbia, which took place under the careful guidance of the international community represented by the USA and the EU, as well as the recognition of the so-called Kosovo's "independence" by, above all, Western countries, grossly violated not only UNSC Resolution 1244 and international law in general, but also created an international legal precedent which gave other proponents of territorial secession an excuse and right to seek the same as that of the so-called Kosovo.

Keywords: KLA, Kosovo, USA, NATO, Albania, terrorism, separatism, Serbia, Kosovo and Metohija, extremism

Abstract: The author studies the interactions between non-profit organizations and regular military forces within modern conflict zones. It covers the typology of observed relations and analyzes and makes an assessment of their impact on conflict dynamics and humanitarian response. The paper presents four major interaction modes: support, cooperation, neutrality and rivalry. The analysis of the available literature demonstrates a number of challenging issues such as the lack of communication between NGOs and the military, different approaches to similar tasks, information exchange, politicization and others. At the same time the article reveals the shift in the nature of conflicts and the emergence of new modern challenges and threats that require additional research. The study used logical-intuitive modeling based on institutional approach to cover the issue from a political realism perspective. The conclusions demonstrate the insufficient research of certain types of interactions (support and rivalry), specific challenges for the Russian Federation and the importance of bolstering cooperation between NGOs and the armed forces. Therefore, the article provides recommendations on how to increase the efficiency of interactions and reduce risks and threats.

Keywords: conflict management, unfriendly states, instruments of power, humanitarian interventions, armed conflicts, civil-military relations, armed forces, NGO, non-profit organizations, peacemaking